YANGON: To the outside world she is a gentle-speaking, photogenic icon of democracy shown in a Hollywood movie bravely defying brutal military rulers.
The 70-year-old Nobel laureate has returned democracy to a nation held hostage for more than half a century, and given hope for a better life to millions of desperately poor people.
But there is another side to Aung San Suu Kyi that worries foreign diplomats, analysts and businesspeople in Myanmar, one of an authoritarian figure cloistered by a small group of advisers who is often dismissive of advice.
Analysts say that as Ms Suu Kyi moves to form what she describes as a "government of national reconciliation" after Sunday's overwhelming election victory she will have to overcome scepticism over what many people here describe as a domineering management style and lack of experience.
"Aung San Suu Kyi has never held power. It is hard to know what she will do if she has authority rather than mere influence," said Nicholas Farrelly, director of the Myanmar Research Centre at the Australian National University.
"Her management of her National League for Democracy suggests that her personal style is far from inclusive or consultative," he said. "But that may change once she has to make serious decisions that directly impact the lives of 52 million people. Her own preferences will need to be moderated to best reflect the needs of the people."
Analysts say that Myanmar's long-term stability will depend on Ms Suu Kyi reaching an accommodation with the country's big and well-entrenched army as it goes through its own structural transition.
Under the constitution, the military holds a quarter of seats in parliament, gets to appoint key security ministers and controls vast conglomerates spanning multi-billion dollar business interests.
Ms Suu Kyi has sent mixed signals about how she plans to deal with the military that for years insulted and humiliated her, and kept her under house arrest for 15 years.
A declaration she made on election eve that she would run the government "above" an elected president infuriated the generals, who wrote into the country's 2008 constitution a clause that specifically barred her from the post because her late husband and sons are British.
But in other comments on the campaign trial she has stressed the importance of the military, which was founded by her independence hero father, Aung San.
Jonathan Bogais, a south-east Asia expert at the University of Sydney, said that although some military hardliners remain determined to keep power at all costs, many have embraced a form of "corporate militarism" fed on economic development and trade, especially since reforms started in 2012.
Professor Bogais said these "entrepreneurs" have no desire to enter into conflict with a new administration, especially one led by the NLD.
"The NLD must negotiate with this segment of the military to alienate the hardliners and move forward," he said. Professor Bogais said the military has already made clear that having a 'puppet' president violates the constitution.
The 70-year-old Nobel laureate has returned democracy to a nation held hostage for more than half a century, and given hope for a better life to millions of desperately poor people.
But there is another side to Aung San Suu Kyi that worries foreign diplomats, analysts and businesspeople in Myanmar, one of an authoritarian figure cloistered by a small group of advisers who is often dismissive of advice.
Analysts say that as Ms Suu Kyi moves to form what she describes as a "government of national reconciliation" after Sunday's overwhelming election victory she will have to overcome scepticism over what many people here describe as a domineering management style and lack of experience.
"Aung San Suu Kyi has never held power. It is hard to know what she will do if she has authority rather than mere influence," said Nicholas Farrelly, director of the Myanmar Research Centre at the Australian National University.
"Her management of her National League for Democracy suggests that her personal style is far from inclusive or consultative," he said. "But that may change once she has to make serious decisions that directly impact the lives of 52 million people. Her own preferences will need to be moderated to best reflect the needs of the people."
Analysts say that Myanmar's long-term stability will depend on Ms Suu Kyi reaching an accommodation with the country's big and well-entrenched army as it goes through its own structural transition.
Under the constitution, the military holds a quarter of seats in parliament, gets to appoint key security ministers and controls vast conglomerates spanning multi-billion dollar business interests.
Ms Suu Kyi has sent mixed signals about how she plans to deal with the military that for years insulted and humiliated her, and kept her under house arrest for 15 years.
A declaration she made on election eve that she would run the government "above" an elected president infuriated the generals, who wrote into the country's 2008 constitution a clause that specifically barred her from the post because her late husband and sons are British.
But in other comments on the campaign trial she has stressed the importance of the military, which was founded by her independence hero father, Aung San.
Jonathan Bogais, a south-east Asia expert at the University of Sydney, said that although some military hardliners remain determined to keep power at all costs, many have embraced a form of "corporate militarism" fed on economic development and trade, especially since reforms started in 2012.
Professor Bogais said these "entrepreneurs" have no desire to enter into conflict with a new administration, especially one led by the NLD.
"The NLD must negotiate with this segment of the military to alienate the hardliners and move forward," he said. Professor Bogais said the military has already made clear that having a 'puppet' president violates the constitution.
